The mass media and public agenda setting’s literature conceives agenda setting as the effect of media reporting by setting public agendas more than public opinions itself “telling people what to think about” not “what to think” (Cohen, 1963 McCombs & Shaw, 1972 Russel et al., 2014). Rogers and Dearing (1988) postulate that both traditions are nurtured by Cohen’s 1963 seminal work, but whereas the latter started earlier, the former resulted more prolific. Rogers and Dearing (1988) identify two research traditions concerning the study of agenda setting: public agenda setting by the mass media, and policy agenda setting. We compare the budget bill’s yearly revision reporting with and without the effect of the World Cup near its parliamentary entry, providing statistical evidence for a significant decrease of the daily reporting during the 2018 World Cup. We then identified all publications concerning the budget bill’s yearly revision in order to analyze and fit a lagged dependent variable Poisson model on the count of “Rendición de cuentas’” daily news.
#Agenda setting definition software
In order to provide evidence for this, we developed software crawlers which scrapped all publications within the web-sites of the three biggest Uruguayan news media conglomerates (El País, El Observador & Montevideo Portal) for an almost two-year period. The article proposes that the 2018’s FIFA World Cup produced a change in the trends of the reporting of the Uruguayan budget bill’s yearly revision. This article aims to contribute to the literature by providing empirical evidence of a case of this phenomenon. Whereas there is an important cluster of literature on how media reporting sets public agendas on a plethora of issues (McCombs & Valenzuela, 2007), there is consistently less non-anecdotal evidence on news media shifting their reporting agendas anticipating the public’s interests (Russel et al., 2014).
This article studies one of these cases, by assessing the effects of an extraneous sport event (the 2018 FIFA World Cup) on the report of a critical one-time-a-year national accountability event in Uruguay: the Uruguayan budget bill’s yearly revision, known as “Rendición de cuentas” (see Moraes, Chasquetti & Bergara, 2005 for further details on how the bill’s yearly revision fit the Budgetary Process of the Public Sector). Nonetheless, in reality a plethora of issues compete for a finite agenda space, which may shift public’s attention or news media interests away (Dader, 1990). In a perfect-world scenario, citizens are aware and monitoring all critical topics plausible to affect their lives. This article will focus only on one of these: their potential to modify the exposure, societal discussion and debate of diverse policy issues.
News media reporting plays several critical roles in modern liberal democracies (Lawrence & Suddaby, 2006). Findings signal the necessity to consider the externalities of conducting critical democratic debates during mega-events. Based on scrapping all publications from the main Uruguayan news media conglomerates a lagged dependent variable Poisson model was fitted on the “Rendición de cuentas” daily news reporting. This article aims to provide statistical evidence for a scenario in which news media shift their reporting agenda anticipating the public’s interests or newswor thiness of an extraneous event (the 2018 FIFA World Cup), reducing the coverage of a critical one-time-a-year accountability instance (the “Rendición de cuentas”). Through agenda setting, news media become critical for the visibility of political accountability instances. A case of reverse-agenda setting? How 2018’s FIFA World Cup coverage reduced media reporting of Uruguayan budget bill’s yearly revisionīy Matías Dodel, Federico Comesaña, and Daniel Blanc
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